Thursday, October 15, 2009

There’s a Chill in the Air

By E. Ralph Hostetter    

Is global warming over?  Let's take a peek at what's been happening around the world in the past year.

Michael Asher of DAILY TECH reports, "Over the past year, anecdotal evidence for a cooling planet has exploded.  China has its coldest winter in 100 years.  Baghdad sees its first snow in all recorded history.  North America has the most snow cover in 50 years, with places like Wisconsin the highest since record keeping began.  Record levels of Antarctic sea ice, record cold in Minnesota, Texas, Florida, Mexico, Australia, Iran, Greece, South Africa, Greenland, Argentina, Chile and the list goes on and on.  All four major global temperature tracking outlets (Hadley, NASA's GISS, UAH, RSS) all show that over the past year, global temperatures have dropped precipitously."

The DAILY TECH report continues: "The total amount of cooling ranges from 0.656 up to 0.75 degrees C. — a value large enough to wipe out all the warming recorded over the past 100 years.  It's the fastest temperature change ever recorded, either up or down."

The NEW YORK POST headline reads:  "July 8 storm brings snow to city just north of Gotham."  That same day the high temperature at O'Hare International Airport in Chicago was 65 degrees, Chicago's coldest July 8 since 1891, while in Melbourne, Australia, temperatures have remained 10 degrees below normal.

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) Earth System Research Laboratory in Mauna Loa, Hawaii, has measured carbon dioxide for the past 50 years.  In December 1958, the concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere was 314.67 parts per million.  In December 1998 at about the time global cooling reappeared, CO2 had increased to 366.87 ppm.  By December 2008, CO2 had advanced to 385.54 ppm, a 5.088% growth in just one decade.  CO2 concentration continues to rise.

That increase has benefits for the planet.  Crop yields are increasing.  The planet is greener.

However, as a measurement of world temperatures rise and fall, it may not have the effects that have been predicted.

Looking at the record, NOAA in its State of the Climate Report for 2008 observed, ". . . since the end of the 1970s, the average surface temperature has warmed 1 degree F.; the earth's surface is currently warming at a rate of about 0.29 degree F. per decade or 2.9 degrees F. per century; the warmest year being 1934.”

According to Tony Pann, BALTIMORE WEATHER EXAMINER, "The planet stopped warming in 1998 and has shown distinct cooling this decade."

D. Bruce Merrifield, writing for the AMERICAN THINKER, observed:  "Solar activity is now believed to have the greatest influence on climate change as global temperatures rise and fall. Solar activity is measured in cycles.

"Cycles include the 100,000 year cycle, a 41,000-year cycle, a 23-year cycle and an 11-year sun spot cycle wherein solar radiation increases and then declines.  Superimposed on the latest 100,000 year peak have been six secondary warming periods, and each has been coincident with massive surges of carbon dioxide and methane into the atmosphere, vastly greater than the amounts currently being generated by burning fossil fuels.

"Each of these previous warming periods was warmer than the current warming period, and current temperatures are below the median for the last 3000 years."

Merrifield continues:  "Most remarkably, civilization first emerged in the Tigris, Euphrates and Nile River Valleys about 3400 B.C. in that period of great warming, and even more remarkably, each of these secondary surges of CO2 and other greenhouse gasses (none of human origin), has also been coincident with the rise of a major civilization."

It was during this period that agriculture was invented.

"Interestingly, starting about two decades ago (1988), the total increase of greenhouse gasses into the atmosphere has abruptly stopped, in spite of increased burning of fossil fuels."

The Babylonian Era emerged 3,000 years ago in the 1000 B.C. warming period.  After a period of 500 years, the Greek civilization appeared.  Next the Romans arrived some 400 years later.  A 1,000-year cold period followed, leading into the dark ages.  Crop failures caused mass starvation and freezing cold killed millions more.

If, in fact, America is entering a cold period, global warming will be remembered with the thought that warmer is better, regardless of all the "envirocrat" threats of drought, famine, storms and tornadoes.

E. Ralph Hostetter, a prominent businessman and publisher, also is an award-winning columnist and Vice Chairman of the Free Congress Foundation Board of Directors.

Read more >>

Here He Comes: Mr. Universe

By J. Matt Barber

OK, this is just too easy. You have to ask: Did the Norwegian Nobel Committee devise a secret plot to completely marginalize President Obama in the international community (I mean, beyond that which he’s already managed on his own)? Seriously, by awarding him the Nobel Peace Prize on Friday – based solely on his first twelve days in office – they’ve teed-up the ball for every Obama critic, late-night comedian and 6th grade class clown across the fruited plain. It’s been a rhetorical homerun derby. Even the majority of his supporters – apart from his worshipful media sycophants and Daily Kos-types – are left scratching their heads.  

Around America’s collective water cooler this week the conversation has begun: “Hear the one about Obama winning a Nobel Peace Prize?” It’s actually refreshing to be embarrassed for the man rather than disgusted with him.

First, it was the humiliating slap-down he received from the International Olympic Committee in Copenhagen (it’s a shame that his presumptuous and decidedly un-presidential hubris likely cost Chicago a stab at 2016); and then, in an apparent effort to give him cover while he licked his wounds, his Marxist pals in Oslo overcorrected with this silliness. It’s a political millstone Obama probably didn’t want and surely doesn’t need. 

Still, it’s a shame that by overtly politicizing the prize in such a way, the Nobel Committee has so diminished its significance (of course, with recipients like Jimmy Carter, Al Gore and Yassar Arafat, it was already losing credibility). Who can ever hear “Nobel Peace Prize” again and not roll their eyes?   

Hells-bells, since the only criterion for winning is an apparent ability to blather-on philosophical about “world peace,” I nominate Miss New Jersey for the next go around. At least she can sing. Or, since it’s all about symbolism over substance anyway, how about Gerald Holtom: underappreciated inventor of the hippy peace symbol?  

For that matter, why stop with the Peace Prize? I say President Obama deserves an Emmy. After all, he goes on TV almost daily and reads his lines with a stirring southern preacher-esque delivery. He has the executive experience of Ben Affleck and the moonbat radicalism of Sean Penn. I can think of no one more qualified. Why not a Grammy? Obama is certainly singing a different tune on taxes, Afghanistan and executive “transparency” now that the election’s over.

In fairness though, it’s not Obama’s fault that he’s been incongruously strapped with the lofty title of “Nobel laureate.” It is, however, his fault that he’s having such a difficult time with his on-the-job training.

Whereas an American president should be respected abroad, Obama is almost universally perceived as weak. Whereas he should be feared by his enemies, he is mocked. And, whereas he should be appreciated by his friends, he continues to deeply frustrate his hard-left comrades as the “do-nothing president” (as uproariously captured by Saturday Night Live). 

Even liberal journalists are beginning to acknowledge Obama’s manifold deficiencies. For instance, while writing for the Washington Post, Richard Cohen noted that the president “inspires a lot of affection but not a lot of awe. It is the latter, though, that matters most in international affairs where the greatest and most gut-wrenching tests await Obama.” 

Gideon Rachman with The Financial Times notes: “The right argues that Mr. Obama is a man who has been wildly applauded and promoted for not doing terribly much. Now the Nobel committee seems to be making their point for them.”

Rachman goes on to layout a series of conservative grumblings: “Obama, the false Messiah; Obama, the president who apologizes for America; Obama, the man who is more loved abroad than at home; Obama, the man who never gets anything done; Obama the hesitant; Obama the weak.

“The danger for Mr. Obama,” Rachman concludes, “is that you are beginning to hear echoes of these charges from people who should be the president’s natural supporters.”

Still, Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize is every bit as offensive as it is absurd. He is one of the most divisive president’s in U.S. history. Take his radical promotion of abortion on demand – up to and including the grizzly and, according to the AMA, never necessary practice of partial birth abortion. (That’s where an unborn child – up to the ninth month – is almost completely delivered, scissors or another sharp object are rammed into her skull and her brains are sucked out. Not very “peaceful.”)

No, Obama’s Peace Prize has little to do with “peace” and everything to do with policy. It’s no secret that leftists around the world, including the Nobel Committee, hate America. Obama may not hate America, but he loathes the idea of American exceptionalism. Whether it is his intention or not, he is busily working from within to relocate the shining city on a hill to a much lower altitude alongside those European nations after which he strives to “remake” America. It’s called international egalitarianism and it emanates from the man’s soul.  

In little over nine months he’s has managed to nearly destroy our economy, “stimulate” the quadrupling of the deficit over the next ten years, decimate the dollar, weaken our national security and has set the table for passage of the most leftist social policies in American history.

And liberals say he’s the “do-nothing president”? C’mon, guys, you should be tickled pink. We know your socialist, anti-American buddies over in Oslo are.  

Matt Barber is an attorney concentrating in constitutional law. He serves as Director of Cultural Affairs with both Liberty Counsel and Liberty Alliance Action.

Read more >>

How We Got to Where We Are (Part 3)

By Tim Dunkin

In the previous installments (part 1 part 2) of this series, we saw that America's turn from the Common Sense philosophy of our forefathers to the anti-rational, emotional philosophy of Romanticism gave rise to numerous ills which continue to afflict our nation today. The decline of the sense of right and wrong, that there is objective morality that accords with reason and truth, put America onto the path of “choose your own adventure morality” in which every man does that which is right in his own eyes. This has helped both to corrupt out people and our political system. As a result, we not only see rampant immorality in the way our government operates, but we see a political class and a political system which seem to have taken leave of sense entirely.

The Decline of Public-Spiritedness

Another outflowing of the Romantic spirit in America that went hand-in-hand with what we have talked about previously is the decline of public-spiritedness. Public-spiritedness may be defined as, “the quality of having or showing an unselfish interest in the public welfare.” In the early American Republic, and in fact, in all republics and other systems where power is held closely to the people, public-spiritedness is a vitally important quality that ought to be broadly and deeply inculcated in the citizenry. This quality is what motivates private citizens to come together for mutually beneficial public action, and it is a natural corollary to Lockean commonwealthian ideology, which essentially posits that societies and governments are formed by individuals who come together for mutual good and protection. Public-spiritedness is the necessary interface for citizens of a republic when they are crossing the boundary between the res privata (private things) and the res publica (public things). It allows citizens to keep their individual and personal lives free of arbitrary and excessive government interference, while yet maintaining social integrity through private associations as well as through government which stays within the proper restraints and makes only proper demands upon its citizens. One result of this is that the individual citizen, though an individual, is responsible for his behavior towards other members of the commonwealth.

So how does this relate to the rise of Romanticism that I've discussed previously? As noted before, Romanticism dealt with the individual in a way that was alien to the way that this concept was understood in America during her early years. For the first century or so of American history, the American citizen was an individual, but a public-spirited one. He looked after his own interests, but also had a healthy concern for the good of his community and nation. The Romantic spirit, however, painted the individual in a new light, one in which the individual is all that matters. Because the individual can define his or her own subjective morality, the individual is responsible to nobody else and cannot be constrained by anyone else. Lost was the sense that bad or selfish behavior on the part of one person was a detriment to the community as a whole. Hence, Romanticism served to pervert the American spirit of rational, public-spirited individualism into an excessive, selfish individualism such as we see in our nation today.

Now, that last statement probably sounds like heresy to many conservatives who have been taught to believe that you're either a “rugged individual” who “don't need nothin' from nobody”, or else you're a Commie. However, we need to understand that this is a false dichotomy. It is quite possible to both be an individual who bears the responsibility for his own livelihood, family, and manner of living, while yet being public-spirited enough to devote some of his energies and time to the maintenance of social order and the common good. Indeed, this is what the individualism found in true classical liberalism was all about. And the reasoned individualism of classical liberalism is not the same as the selfish, “me only” individualism which infects the thinking of many Americans today.

This error in thinking about the individual was exemplified and magnified by Ayn Rand’s atheistic philosophy of Objectivism. Objectivism essentially posits that the only morality that exists is the individual's own pursuit of his own happiness and advancement, and implicitly rejects any altruistic concepts that would suggest a responsibility on the part of one individual toward another, or towards the society in which the individual lives. Rand wrote, “My philosophy, in essence, is the concept of man as a heroic being, with his own happiness as the moral purpose of his life, with productive achievement as his noblest activity, and reason as his only absolute.” (Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged, “About the Author”, pp. 1170-1171)

The problem with this thesis is that it is self-contradictory. Reason cannot be an absolute if you reject the outside source of morality as it is found in biblical morality. If your own happiness is the moral purpose of life, then your own reason becomes the arbiter of that absolute, but one person’s reason may (or perhaps necessarily will) conflict with another’s, making neither “absolute.” What if one man's reason tells him that his happiness will only be had by robbing another man of his wallet? Obviously, an impasse is created.

With regard to their anthropology, socialism and modern day libertarianism - with so much of its intellectual foundation in Rand’s Objectivist philosophy - are not that different. From the standpoint of the individuals holding them, both of these rely upon selfish individualism as the basis of their morality. Yes, I said that socialism does too. While we tend to refer to socialism and communism as “collectivist,” and from a governmental perspective they are, we often fail to note the motivating factors that make them so attractive to so many people. People find socialism attractive because it is a way for them to get their piece of the pie without working for it, without expending much effort. That is an individualistic position. It is the position which says that me, getting what I want, even at somebody else’s expense, is the most important thing. It is the epitome of the “me-first” ethos that forms the foundation of Randian Objectivism as much as it does that of Marxism. Essentially, individual recipients of the socialist's “benevolence” choose to do so because laziness and “something for nothing” are what they believe, through their own reasonings, will bring them greater happiness. While there may not be much “productive achievement” in this, it certainly fulfills Rand’s concept that “his own happiness” is “the moral purpose of his life.”

In America, conservatism has somewhat lost its way into the realms of libertarianism, and consequently has lost the sense of public-spiritedness that classical liberalism understood to be a foundation necessity for a free, republican form of government. Despite its claims for itself, libertarianism is not classical liberalism. Instead, it is a Romantic interpretation of classical liberalism – one which takes the liberal concept of individual liberty within the constraints of public stability, and turns it into an anarchical free for all, a “state of nature” the likes of which Locke developed his commonwealthian liberalism so as to counteract. When every man acts on the impulse of his own morality without concern for the rights and liberties of others, chaos and anarchy will result. While I am certainly aware that libertarians would argue that their philosophy precludes allowing one person to trample the rights of another, when you look at many of their beliefs and carry them through to their logical conclusion, you see that the selfish always overrules the thoughtful.

Libertarians have all kinds of strange ideas that seem - to them - to sound good, at least on paper. Yet, if we were to put these into practice, the consequences for liberty would be catastrophic. For instance, take the matter of private roads (which is, incidentally, what soured me on my youthful flirtation with libertarianism). A typical libertarian presentation of this doctrine would begin with the reflexive argument that nothing the government does can ever be good (which, by the way, is not true). This being the case, we should not have public roads, but should instead privatize them. Sounds great, right? Usually at this point, all kinds of economic arguments are brought into the mix, about how private owners would have a greater incentive to maintain them efficiently, you wouldn’t have lazy highway department workers standing around doing nothing, etc. etc.

But then we could raise the question: What if the guy who owns the roads that I live on, or that I need to go to town or go to work or whatever, doesn’t like my politics or my religion or the way I part my hair, and tells me that I can’t “trespass” on “his” road? At this point, the typical libertarian will say that we should submit the question to “private arbitration” (since court systems, as part of government, need to be done away with too). But what if the road’s owner doesn’t agree to private arbitration, or what if I have no guarantee that private arbitration will be impartial, disinterested, and just? What then? My recourse is basically to either starve or else shoot the owner of the road when he tries to keep me from trespassing. In other words, my liberty – my freedom to go about my business as I see fit – is hindered. We’ve returned back to the state of nature where it’s (literally) every man for himself and where the determination of whether I get to enjoy my liberty or not depends on which of us has the better aim. That’s exactly the type of situation that classically liberal philosophers like Locke were trying to take us away from when they developed their commonwealthian understanding of liberty.

Commonwealthian ideas of liberty – which depend on public-spirited and the rejection of extreme ideas of individual – simply say that I should not have to blow my neighbor away to be able to enjoy my own liberty. We need to understand that there are some legitimate functions of government in Lockean theory – and one of these is the arbitrative role. It is perfectly legitimate for government to act as an impartial (ideally) mediator between individual citizens. This is the whole basis, for instance, for contract law. It’s why we can rest assured that if the guy we signed a contract with turns around and rooks us, we can sue him for compensation, we can seek redress without having to assault or kill him. Liberty depends on the rule of law, indeed, it cannot exist without it.

As such, certain laws that are for the public good really are liberty-friendly. As an example, allow me to draw a thought-picture for you. Let us say that I own a piece of property through which a large and useful stream flows. Downstream are the properties of my neighbors. We all use the stream – some for irrigating crops, some for watering cattle, perhaps one uses it to turn a waterwheel to generate electricity. Now, suppose I decide one day that I don't really feel like driving all the way to the recycling center to dump my used motor oil. Instead, I'll take advantage of this nice stream to dump it in. Suddenly, crops downstream start withering, cattle are dying, and the waterwheel is gummed up and won't turn. But hey, it's on my property, so I can do what I want with it, right? No, because in doing so, I rob all my neighbors of their use and enjoyment of their properties. In this type of case, simply sneering at the phrase “for the public good” won't cut it with respect to actually protecting liberty. There actually would be the need for a law to protect the liberty of each individual who comprises “the public” in the enjoyment of what is his. Not every law is bad, nor every action by the individual good. It is when both the law and the individual are in accord with the principle of limiting government to its proper role that liberty can flourish. But that cannot happen until individual citizens accept the responsibility to take up the slack where we don't want the government intruding.

One thing that Ayn Rand would have found horrifying – with her exaltation of the individual über alles – was the emphasis placed upon associationalism and collective action in early America. This was implicit in our nation from the very beginning. Let's get this straight – America was not founded by “rugged individualists.” It was founded by rugged individuals who worked together to build communities within which to raise their families, worship their God as they saw fit, and to prosper as they were individually able. And it was this aggregation of individuals coming together voluntarily for the common good which actually helped America to stave off the march of socialism and collectivism for as long as she did.

America resisted the siren calls of socialism and the welfare state for so long in part because the corrosive effects of Romantic “me onlyism” and systematic immorality were to a certain extent remedied and counteracted by the charitable willingness of Americans to take care of those less well-off through their own kindheartedness. In other words, individuals acting for the common good. For instance, Americans didn’t need many government-run orphanages because we had so many private ones, ran by churches and philanthropic societies. A moral society certainly does not allow certain of its members to starve in the streets and so forth. But a moral society also does not replace the private willingness to help others with a state-mandated compulsion to do so. Therefore, a moral society cannot rest upon the Romantic, Objectivist libertarianism that, in its more extreme forms, views even private charity as suspicious for its altruism.

Nevertheless, America yielded to the call of socialism, and continues to sink in the quicksand. Why? Because we allowed a false ideal of the individual – one which says that me and only me really count for anything – to take hold of our minds. We became willing to bear the smaller burden of paying taxes and spreading the misery around instead of bearing the greater, or at least more acute, burden of individually helping those in our society who genuinely needed some assistance, someone to look out for them.

The Romanticism of the 19th century served as a dual setup. On the one hand, the emphasis on emotionalism strengthened the reasonable empathy for the less fortunate so that it became an identification that demanded action, while on the other hand, the new emphasis on the fulfillment of individual wants and desires left less room than before for the performance of that action through private means, since that would interfere with the satisfaction of those wants and desires. The demand then was that the government would do the job instead. Because we, as the New Man, the Hyper-Individual, had “got ours,” we threw off the small associational burden, and shifted the responsibility to the government. And, as government always does, when it is given powers that exceed its proper roles and limits, it always seeks to make the most of its transgression. Ironically, the “liberation” of the individual from prior restraints ended up being deadly to our liberty. This never would have happened had we held onto a right understanding of the individual vis-à-vis the commonwealth as a whole, to a rational sense of public-spiritedness.

Essentially, the defense of liberty depends on commonwealthianism, not libertarianism. Locke’s vision for good government involved some government, and our Founder’s elucidated this by defining strictly the limits of that government. But they did not institute anarchy. They did not intend for America to be the functional equivalent of Somalia. As I noted before, public-spiritedness saturated the early life of the Republic. DeTocqueville, in his masterful analysis of early American life, noted this when he said, “Americans of all ages, all stations of life, and all types of dispositions are forever forming associations. There are not only commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but others of a thousand different types – religious, moral, serious, futile, very general and very limited, immensely large and very minute. Americans combine to give fêtes, found seminaries, build churches, distribute books, and send missionaries to the antipodes. Hospitals, prisons, and schools take shape in that way. Finally, if they want to proclaim a truth or propagate some feeling by the encouragement of a great example, they form an association. In every case, at the head of any new undertaking, where in France you would find the government or in England some territorial magnate, in the United States you are sure to find an association.” (Democracy in America, p. 513)

Public-spiritedness is what makes a society of individuals mutually bound together for their benefit work, without having to allow the government to usurp more and more aspects of the private lives of the citizens. Public-spiritedness is what allows the right balance between res publica and res privata to be maintained. It is what allows liberty to be maintained against its domestic enemies, including the excessive ambitions of those who would harm the good of all the citizens through their demand for private satisfaction. Or, as de Tocqueville elsewhere put it, “The Americans have used liberty to combat individualism born of equality, and they have won.” (ibid., p. 511)

Public-spiritedness, then, allows private citizens to keep or reclaim roles from the government which the latter has usurped wrongly. This is always the way it is in social systems which traditionally relied upon public participation and contained at least some measure of respect for individual liberty. Yet, when the balance tips towards individual interests over and against the responsibilities of the individual within his larger commonwealth, tyranny and “big government” usually stepped in to fill the vacuum. Among both the Romans and the Greeks of antiquity, we see that when the sense of public spirit declined, whether in the later polis or in the late Republic, monarchy and dictatorship followed.

So, what does this all mean for us as conservatives? It means that we should have a balanced understanding of the place of the individual in society. While society has no right to make illegitimate demands upon the private lives and substance of the individual citizen (something which takes place far too often in America today), at the same time, the individual does not have the right to act as a law unto himself, nor should he act as if he, and only he, is of any concern. We need to understand – and I don't just mean in a superficial sense – that if we wish to live in a civil society, then guess what? We’re going to have to deal with other people. And if we truly believe that excessive government that steps outside of its proper roles is a threat to liberty, then we need to realize that we need to replace government with private associations – including charity, and even things like public works. Included in this is the fact that, as much as some may not like it, religion and religious organizations will necessarily come to the forefront in the public square once again.

We, as conservatives, need to reject the underlying perversion in the understanding of the “individual” that is made by libertarianism. While we certainly have many commonalities with libertarians that can serve as rally points for joint political action, especially in the areas of fiscal policy and our constitutional rights, at the same time we need to understand that conservatism and libertarianism are two different things – and think accordingly. In other words, just as we saw the need for self-government with respect to morality and reason in the first two portions of this essay, so also does this self-government apply to entire society. Those who will not self-govern will be governed by others. Let us learn to self-govern, as a people and as a commonwealth, once again.

Read more >>

How We Got to Where We Are (Part 2)

By Tim Dunkin

In the previous installment of this essay, we saw that the decline of morality in America has been a contributing factor in leading us to where we are today. By rejecting the objective principles governing man’s behavior with God and his fellow man, we have opened ourselves up to a sort of “ethical anarchy” where anything goes if it can be justified, and this anarchy extends to the lawlessness that we now see in our government. Having turned away from both the Bible and the Constitution, our society and our government have opened the door for socialism and the replacement of the rule of law with the rule of bureaucrat and administrator. Concomitant with this turn from morality has been a turn from reason, which will be dealt with below.

The Decline of Reason

Previously, it was noted that this rejection of morality accompanied our culture’s turn from Scottish Common Sense philosophy to the emotionalistic and anti-reason philosophy of the Romantic movement. This is not surprising, since the essence of “common sense” is reason. Reason, as the Founders and those of their generation usually understood it, says that we, as individuals and as a society, are capable of determining ways of ordering both our individual lives and our joint existence together by principles that produce objective benefits. Common sense is basically the distillation of this type of reason. Common sense tells the average man what works and what does not. Common sense tells us, for instance, that working hard and saving your money will help you to have prosperity and freedom in the future, while blowing all your money on lottery tickets is a sure way to the poorhouse and debt slavery. When applied in the realm of politics, common sense generally leads to support for the type of system that our Founders – steeped as they were in the Common Sense of their day – envisioned and set into place when they established our system of government and our Constitution.

Morality is a key component to this common sense. Indeed, one could say that morality and reason go hand in hand. Without one, you don’t really have the other. As seen previously, morality is objective because it is established from biblical standards, rather than from the subjective, mercurial passions of men. God gave us biblical morality, among other reasons, as a way of regulating our interactions with each other. Hence, God simultaneously defined what was both religiously moral and civilly rational.

Through common sense, we can understand that these standards conform to “reason” as it is rightly defined. It is both “moral” and “reasonable” to act on the principle of the Golden Rule, for instance. It is both moral and reasonable not to steal from someone else, not to kill someone else if they aren’t threatening you, not to rail upon someone, and so forth. By refraining from such behaviors, peaceable and civil society is more easily maintained, which allows for prosperity to abound, wealth to be built, families to be strengthened, education to be obtained, and everything else which makes for a healthy civilization. Morality not only informed our relationship with God, individually and as a nation, but also served the public utility of maintaining order and peace in the social system. This connection can be inferred in Paul’s instructions to Titus,

Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work….” (Titus 3:1)

While there are times when the Christian (as well as anyone else!) may need to disobey the commands of those above them when those commands would violate the injunctions of Scripture, in general, we are instructed to obey those in authority – which includes the government. This means respecting the rule of law, rather than using righteous indignation to make ourselves into a law unto ourselves. The reason for this, we are told, is that we may be “ready to every good work.” Whether for the spiritual purpose of being servants of God, or the civil purpose of being good and law-abiding citizens, we are to respect the rule of law, and to allow our impulses to be harnessed by morality and reason.

Therefore, by assaulting the twin pillars of American society – religion and reason – Romanticism, Transcendentalism, and the rest of the anti-Common Sense movement of the 19th century laid the groundwork for the increasing lawlessness, immorality, crime, and corruption that our nation saw in the 20th century, and continues to see today. When you reject reason and morality and objective standards, the only thing to fall back on is man’s own ideas and abilities – which leads to the “need” for big government, social engineering, etc.

At this point, we should note that reason and rationalism are not the same thing, though these terms are sometimes confused. Reason is rational, while rationalism, ironically, is not. Reason informs a person through a common sense understanding of what “works” and is beneficial in our interactions with the world. Rationalism, which is as much a philosophical approach as anything else, does not. Rationalism, in fact, rests on the foundation of materialism – the rejection of any supernatural realm and any power greater than man himself. While having originated in the Age of “Enlightenment” along with Scottish Common Sense, rationalism – with its attendant rejection of God and its exaltation of man – didn’t really blossom until the rise of Romanticism. Because Romanticism focused so much on subjectivity and personal intuition, it was the natural soil for a philosophy like rationalism that sought to overturn moral standards derived from religion, and to replace them with manmade, and often personal, principles of right and wrong. As we will see below, the fruits of Romanticism and man’s rationalism – based as they are on the rejection of moral standards imposed from above – have been the rejection of right reason and the increasing illogic of so much of what our society says and does.

For instance, you can see the divide between reasonable people and Romantic people in the way our government operates, and the political and economic assumptions made by the two major camps in the American political scene today: conservatives and leftists. The lack of morality in much of today’s public discourse, the proposed ideas, etc. underscores the lack of reason. Much of what passes as “intellectual” today seems tailor made to destroy, rather than strengthen, public and social solidity.

In the economic realm, this reality is readily apparent. To conservatives, it makes no sense whatsoever that, in a time of deep recession, you would trot out prosperity-destroying initiatives like “Cap and Trade”, massive debt-inducing, wealth redistributionary “stimulus” packages, and the like. To the conservative operating from the underlying premise of common sense and reason, the best way to “stimulate” the economy is for the government to engage in behavior that will encourage individual initiative and investment and enterprise – most specifically, by getting out of the way, by cutting taxes, by letting the productive class in our society have more freedom and more resources with which to produce. Loading up trillions of dollars in debt onto future generations and loading higher and higher taxes on today’s generation are understood, by the individual who operates from reason and common sense, to be very bad ideas that won’t do a thing to help generate prosperity and wealth.

Leftists, on the other hand, genuinely think that such ideas are balderdash – and this is because they operate from Romantic notions of “feeling” and emotion and the sense that “we have to help people.” Unfortunately, by “help people” they generally mean playing to their baser emotions like greed, envy, and resentment. Because they operate from a basis of emotional reaction, the leftist automatically assumes that it will produce some benefit to the poor to destroy the wealth and enterprise of the rich and the middle classes. Even though it won’t produce tangible assistance to the poor, it will make them “feel better” knowing that those who had more than they no longer do. The idea of freeing people to exercise individual initiative to better themselves is scoffed at and derided because the rich and the middle classes might benefit from that freedom too, which defeats the whole purpose of playing upon people’s resentment and using it as an emotional palliative to induce the underclasses to vote for and support the Left.

Common sense and reason also define conservative positions on social issues, as well. Take abortion, for example. Conservatives know that abortion is murder, and therefore is immoral. They know that, when you get right down to it, no argument that tries to draw some arbitrary line in the sand saying that before such-and-such a date, the “fetus” is not a “child” is rational. The growth and development of the child in the womb is a continuum – to put it into technology-speak, it is analog, not digital. There is no “switching on” point where the child suddenly becomes “alive” or “human” or “aware” where the moment before it was not. There is no instant anywhere between the moment that the first bicellular zygote comes into being and the point where the child is born that this being in the womb doesn’t possess humanity. To say that there exists one is simply to make an unprovable, nonsensical argument.

Yet, this is exactly the kind of claim that pro-abortionists make. In doing so, they don’t exercise rational argument, but wishful thinking. They want there to be a point at which the child is not “really” a child, so that they can destroy it, if need be, without being troubled by the moral dilemma of having committed murder. In nearly all cases, the reason for this destruction is simply due to the Romantic claims of individual desire – the child would be inconvenient to the mother’s (or, more likely, the father’s) lifestyle. The father doesn’t want to be burdened with possibly having to marry the mother and provide for the child. Thus, wanting is equated with reality, the emotional “felt-need” with what is right and proper and moral and rational. In a sense, abortion is the ultimate expression of the Romantic-era hyper-individualism that said that what you, personally, feel is what matters most.

When it comes to the question of illegal immigration and border security, conservatives understand that things like “the rule of law” and “national sovereignty” are important, that borders exist for a reason, and that it's important to know who is coming into our country and for what reason. Leftists, on the other hand, think all these things are “racist” and “unfair” and value the “feelings” of law-breakers over the good of the country. On environmental matters, conservatives are rightly skeptical of anthropogenic global warming, evaluating the actual facts as we have them, and concluding that there's nothing to warrant the hysteria. Leftists, operating from a starting point of fear and emotion, endlessly run around like Chicken Little, taking each computer-generated armageddon scenario as yet another reason to hyperventilate. The examples of this type of illogic from our government and political system could be elaborated without end. But I will spare you.

The same problem exists in our educational system. Again, there are so many areas that could be discussed that this essay would stretch to book length, so I will address a few issues of general interest to conservatives.

As boring and staid conservatives, we tend to think that education exists for two reasons: to impart to children the knowledge and skills that will enable them to successfully participate in the adult world, and to pass on to them the principles of civic duty, patriotism, and morality that will make them good citizens. As conservatives, we understand that learning to write is more important than learning to recycle, that math is more necessary than “self-esteem building,” and that it’s more essential for kids to learn the fundamentals of our own civilization than it is for them to learn how to worship Allah just like Muslims do, as school kids in California have to do.

Conservatives, operating from the basis of common sense, understand that “sex education” which teaches kids to wait until marriage is going to have a greater effect on teen pregnancy than will instructing them in the use of birth control and encouraging them to experiment. This is because conservatives understand where babies come from, while leftists, apparently, only understand how to terminate those babies should they come. Even in approaches and methodology, conservatives understand vital principles about building character, such as the need for children – especially boys – to learn in a structured and competitive environment. We know that it’s okay, and in fact it is healthy, for little boys to run races and play guns and compete against each other in games where you have winners and losers. We know that the Montessori approach of playing non-competitive musical chairs – you know, where everybody has a seat in the end – produces a society of effeminate men who are weaklings and unable to cope with the realities of a fallen world.

Leftists do not understand any of this. To the leftist, education is about imparting values, to be sure, but that’s just it – it imparts “values,” that catchall phrase that is so broad in scope as to be meaningless in fact. Children are encouraged to build self-esteem instead of knowledge. This goes right back to the Romanticism vs. Common Sense divide. Self-esteem involves, really, the subjection of objective truth and fact to personal intuition. The leftists in our educational establishment are pushing the self-esteem craze off onto our children in the public schools because this is a way to mold these children such that they will perceive the world around them not through the lenses of either objective fact or right and wrong. Rather, our children are being taught to perceive the world in terms of “how does this make me feel?” Because when people compete, there are some winners and some losers, competition is bad. Everybody should “feel” like a winner, even if they’re objectively not.

Facts are bad things, because a “fact” implies right or wrong. Either the sky is blue, or it isn’t. Either 2+2=4, or it doesn’t. Either raising taxes in a recession makes the economy get worse, or it doesn’t. There is no middle ground with facts. Facts, ultimately, rest on the same Common Sense basis of objectivity as does biblically-based morality. Some things are right, while some things are wrong, and the leftist, who wants desperately to “feel” good by never being told he or she is “wrong” wants no part of this. The consequences for our children are things like New Math, Values Exploration, Post-Modern Deconstruction, and the like. All are Romantic efforts to undermine objective truth and replace it with subjective feeling and intuitive, self-guided approaches to what seems right to you. While I realize that not every public school is infected with this trend, many are, and the purpose of the educrats in those schools is to produce a generation of Americans who think everything is relative, and that everything is about them and their perpetual, subjectively understood happiness.

This beings me to my third example of the loss of reason in our society: the adolescentization of American culture.

As Americans, we live in a society that glorifies perpetual, carefree youth. The purpose of much of our consumer product sector is to help people look and feel young again. The net effect of our popular culture – television, popular music, and the like – is to help people think young. The ancient Greeks believed that you weren't fully a man until you reached your fortieth year, until then you were just a young pup who was still wet behind the ears. Today, if your forty, you might as well be in the nursing home, or so our entertainment and popular culture would seem to say. There is an old saying that says that “youth is wasted on the young.” Today, we waste our money and lives on everything from gym memberships to plastic surgery trying to stay young. This trend started as far back as the 1920s and the full-blown internalization on the part of the American public of the Romantic trends that had arose in the previous century, when the Roaring Twenties helped to bring on this perpetual youth syndrome. Today, our entertainment, our advertisements, everything is geared towards appealing to our inner teenager.

Now please don't misunderstand, I don't have anything against young people. But all the same, it isn't healthy, as a society, to make adolescence the apex of our aspirations. There was a time when the teenage years were viewed as preparation for adulthood. In fact, throughout most of history, teenagers were generally considered to be, and treated as, slightly smaller adults. In the Middle Ages, most boys were already farming or apprenticing for a trade by the time kids today get their first iPhone. Yet now, we see the exact opposite. Instead of teenagers acting like little adults, we have ostensible adults trying to be overgrown teenagers. This is especially prevalent among the leftist segment of the Baby Boomer generation, you know the type - the ones with the bald heads and graying ponytails, still trying to return to their glory days of smoking pot and loving freely, just like they did at Woodstock.

The impulse for this adolescentization is thoroughly in the Romantic vein. As a whole, our youth today are both more individualistic and immature - and these go hand in hand. If there is anything that marks the modern American teenager or college student, it is a “Me” attitude that places personal happiness, fulfillment, and self-image above everything else. Again, I realize that this doesn't describe every young person today – I can think of many young people, including some of my own family members – to whom this doesn't apply. Nevertheless, this does describe a good segment of our population between the ages of 13 and 25. It is to this that the popular culture, entertainments, advertisements and the rest apply. These are designed to appeal to that “Me” attitude – to the detriment of things like the value of hard work, delayed gratification, and intellectual application. They are most manifestly not done with the intent of encouraging our youth to commit themselves to hard work, morality, intellectual activity, and preparation for adulthood. Instead, everything's about “Me.”

Further, this state of affairs is encouraged by the subjective “ethics” that have replaced objective morals. Many Americans, young and old alike, harbor the childish desire to be free from all restraints, and especially those that might be self-imposed through discipline and self-government. This is why so many of our young tend to be politically leftist (at least until they start having to support themselves via a paycheck). Leftist politics are the epitomé of feeling good. Once free of restrains like the Bible and the Constitution, it's easy to think that the right way to go is to support “free” national health care or more money for “anti-poverty” programs, since when you're young, you're probably not paying for any of this directly through taxes, and you get to feel good about yourself – you get a self-esteem boost by being “caring” and “compassionate” and “making a difference.”

And let's face it – self-esteem and fitting into the peer group are vitally important to the young in our society. Paradoxically, this desire to conform to peer groups is actually an outflowing of Romantic individualism. They conform to the way the peer group thinks and acts – as directed by the “cool” actors and performance artists and whatnot – because of the desire to gratify the individual desire to be accepted and thought highly of. The self-esteem cult that is inculcated in our public schools feeds into this.

These three areas are just a few of many I could point to that are symptoms of our nation's turn from right reason and morality. Because true morality and true reason both have the same Author and the same end, to reject one is to reject both, and to descend into the morass of subjectively-defined “values.” This is what we have done, and if we want to return our nation to where it ought to be, we must grasp once again that link between morality and reason. We cannot allow the rationalistic, atheistic philosophy of our day to deceive us into believing that morality and reason are necessarily antithetical, as so many foolishly think. Instead, we have to stand up and articulate once again the reasonable moral philosophy that guided our founders and the generations that came after them. Then, we have to work on addressing the specific areas and institutions – some political, but some much more deeply rooted than to be dealt with by a mere election or vote – that this Romantic, rationalistic, subjectivistic spirit of our age has infected. It may take a while, but as conservatives, we ought best to have a sense of historical proportion, and understand the need for patience and fortitude in defending and reinstituting our traditions.

Read more >>

How We Got to Where We Are (Part 1)

By Tim Dunkin

Here, in the first decade of the 21st    century, we as Americans can look back on a history for which we are justly grateful. We live in a nation that saw freedom and prosperity abound like no other in the history of this planet.  Our nation was forged in the crucible of the struggle for liberty, and her history, while certainly not perfect, has been one of consistently increasing liberty for increasing numbers of her inhabitants.  Yet, we nevertheless find ourselves at a cusp in our history. We are poised at the precipice, ready to fall headlong into the pit of open tyranny. We have seen the erosion of our liberties become a full-fledged torrent of intrusion into our personal lives and invasion of our rights affirmed in the Constitution.

Specifically then, where are we?  America has reached the point where there is seemingly no morality in our society or political system. There is little to nothing in the way of true reason or sense in the way we do things. Further, there is little willingness on the part of many of our people to do the things for the public good that are necessary to keep the government off of our backs and out of our lives.

The question then becomes, “How did we get here?” This is what we have to answer before we can know how to get back to where we ought to be. What we need to understand is that our nation didn’t get to the state that it is in overnight. Instead, our devolution is the end result of a long process of mistakes and deficiencies that crept into our society over the course of years, decades, and even centuries. In the following weeks, I would like to highlight some the things in the three problem areas I’ve identified above that are contributory.

The Decline of Morality

“Morality” is one of those terms that tends to set off alarm bells in the minds of many supposedly “conservative” individuals – and that it part of the problem. One of the main reasons we are where we are is because Americans – even many conservative, flag-waving patriots – have tossed off many of the moral restrains that made our society work. We need to understand, however, that morality is the key to true self-government, and without it, any society that tries to limit the scope of external government will fail.

The tendency on the part of many is to associate the term “morality” with a very narrow subset of social conservatism – the “religious Right” or the “Moral Majority,” opposition to abortion and homosexual marriage, and so forth.  While these may be included in that category, “morality” goes far, far beyond that. Morality involves a complete system of standards and guidelines that govern our behavior and our interactions with others (these “others” being both God and our fellow man). God is a necessary component in this equation because morality is something that does not arise from within man, or from among men in society, but from a transcendent, eternal Creator who has established norms of permissible behavior for us.

This concept differs from that of “ethics,” with which it is often confused. “Ethics” are man-centered.  They involve man’s ideas about what is permissible and what is not, and often fall into the category of “self-justifications.” Ethics are a way for us to individually define what we think is right and wrong. Ethics may often derive from biblical morality. Indeed, the ethical standards to which even most atheists hold are generally biblical in origin. However, these atheistic codes of conduct are “ethics” and not “morals” because they typically introduce certain modifications to the underlying biblical morality that are designed to allow the atheist to do what he or she individually wants to do without a moral restraint against it. True morals, on the other hand, are defined by God and find their focus on Him as their author with involving man's attempts at self-justification.

Our nation as a whole started down this road to immorality when we began to reject the prevailing philosophical principle of our early years, which was the Scottish Common Sense philosophy. The Scottish school, whose prominent voices included Thomas Reid, William Hamilton, and to a certain extent Adam Smith, rejected the skepticism and atheism of philosophers like David Hume. It essentially posited that what we call “common sense” was both accessible to the common man, and that this common sense was a firmer ground for man’s life and for man’s knowledge of the world around him than the various philosophical abstractions that led to skepticism and idealism. Marsden describes this school, and notes the influence that it had on America in her first century of existence,

“This old order correlated faith, learning, and morality with the welfare of civilization. Two premises were absolutely fundamental – that God’s truth was a single unified order and that all persons of common sense were capable of knowing that truth. The implications of these assumptions were carefully worked out by the philosophical school known as Scottish Common Sense Realism. In 1870 Common Sense Philosophy had been influential in America for a century, and for the past half-century it had been the dominant philosophy taught in American colleges. In spite of competition from various forms of Romantic Idealism, Common Sense Realism remained unquestionably the American philosophy….

“Common Sense philosophy continued to appeal to Americans into the nineteenth century also because it provided a firm foundation for a scientific approach to reality. In a nation born during the Enlightenment, the reverence for science as the way to understand all aspects of reality was nearly unbounded. Evangelical Christians and liberal Enlightenment figures alike assumed that the universe was governed by a rational system of laws guaranteed by an all-wise and benevolent creator. The function of science was to discover such laws, something like Newton’s laws of physics, which were assumed to exist in all areas. By asserting that the external world was in fact just as it appeared to be, Common Sense provided a rock upon which to build this empirical structure….

“Common Sense and empiricism provided the new nation with a basis for establishing a national moral order. The evangelical educators had taken the lead in shaping the opinions of the nation. The Bible, of course, revealed the moral law; but the faculty of Common Sense, which agreed with Scripture, was a universal standard. According to Common Sense Philosophy, one can intuitively know the first principles of morality as certainly as one can apprehend other essential aspects of reality.” (G.M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth Century Evangelicalism 1870-1925, pp. 14-15)

Scottish common sense was informed on many levels by simple biblical morality, since so much of what people considered to be “common sense” was predicated on the biblical worldview. It was this worldview that informed the common people in America during the 18th and 19th centuries especially, but which has since declined. In society, this biblical morality was applied to social affairs, not in the sense of overt social activism (which came later), but through the broad-based understanding that biblical morality was the best and wisest framework through which a society could function and flourish. This worldview lent itself to the qualities of self-government necessary to both inhibit open display of public immoralities while yet also affirming the liberty of the individual to act so far as he was neither harming man nor bring God’s judgment upon society. The morality in question, based as it was on the Bible, was strictly defined and broadly understood. It was sense because it objectively made sense.

Typically, conservatives would tend to trace the rise of immorality in our society (again, using the stricter definition given above) to culprits such as the Sexual Revolution of the 1960s, or to the rise of feminism. These, however, are merely symptoms of the rejection of the biblical morality and worldview that began long before.

The roots of this rejection are to be found in the rise of Romanticism, an intellectual and cultural movement that swept over Europe and North America beginning around the middle of the 19th century. Romanticism was an attitude and belief system that emphasized “feeling” and intuition over truth and knowledge. It was in many ways a revolt against the deductive reason and precise sensibility that had directed Western thought into the 19th century. As Charles Baudelaire, one of the most famous (and notorious) French Romantics, said,

“Romanticism is precisely situated neither in choice of subject nor exact truth, but in the way of feeling.”

In Victorian England, Romanticism initially met with a great deal of resistance, both from public intellectuals and from society as a whole. This is because the Romantics actively sought to set themselves against the mores that then prevailed in British society. The standards of society were viewed as hindrances to the creativity and happiness of the individual, and society itself was nearly viewed as corruption that took the individual away from his natural happiness and forced him into the mold of artificially-imposed standards and codes of conduct. The French Romantics, and their adherents in Britain, undermined Victorian society, and thus were subject to a good deal of censorship because of the seemingly purposeful assaults they made on the sensibilities of society. However, when all was said and done, Romanticism, aestheticism, subjectivism had won the day and molded British society into its own image,

“Queen Victoria was born in one world. She died in another. History has seldom recorded a greater transformation in so short a period of time....Between the Coronation and the Diamond Jubilee, Victorian life had passed from an agricultural to an industrial economy, from an aristocratic to a middle-class-proletariat society, from a fixed and static to an evolutionary science, from an authoritarian to a relative theology, and, generally, from a dogmatic to an experimental spirit. Many, indeed most, of these changes were still in progress at the turn of the century, but their force and significance had already become distinguishing elements of the late Victorian temper.” (C.R. Decker, The Victorian Conscience, p. 175)

In America, the same effect took place, and it was here as well that Romanticism attacked the twin pillars of American intellectual life – religion and reason. One uniquely American mutation of the Romantic spirit was found in the Transcendentalism espoused by men such as Henry David Thoreau, George Putnam, and Ralph Waldo Emerson. Transcendentalism rejected the intellectual spirit of the times, as well as the doctrines of organized religion, and sought to replace them with an “inner spirituality” based upon man’s own emotion intuition. At the close of his essay “The American Scholar”, Emerson wrote,

So shall we come to look at the world with new eyes. It shall answer the endless inquiry of the intellect, - What is truth? And of the affections, - What is good? by yielding itself passive to the educated Will….Build, therefore, your own world. As fast as you conform your life to the pure idea in your mind, that will unfold its great proportions. A correspondent revolution in things will attend the influx of the spirit.”

In place of the world of objective knowledge with facts that are true, in and of themselves (including in the realm of religion), Emerson sought to instill in scholars a desire for subjective knowledge, a knowledge where the true value of it is how the individual “feels” and “interacts” with the world around him. In the realm of moral truths, we can see the intellectual groundwork that made possible the transition from objective morality to subjective ethicality.

McMichael and Crews said about the Romantic spirit in America, particularly as it was popularized and disseminated in our national literature,

Yet Romantics frequently shared certain general characteristics: moral enthusiasm, faith in the value of individualism and intuitive perception, and a presumption that the natural world is a source of goodness and human society a source of corruption.” (Concise Anthology of American Literature, G.L. McMichael and F.C. Crews, p. 263)

Here we see the emphasis on individual “moral” perceptions (i.e. ethics) and their attendant enthusiasms to remake society into the image of what the Romantics considered to be more intuitively proper. And again, we see that the objective law and order and morality upheld by earlier generations was rejected and undermined by the Romantics and Transcendentalists,

As a moral philosophy, transcendentalism was neither logical nor systemized. It exalted feeling over reason, individual expression over the restraints of law and custom. It appealed to those who disdained the harsh God of their Puritan ancestors, and it appealed to those who scorned the pale deity of New England Unitarianism....They spoke for cultural rejuvenation and against the materialism of American society. They believed in the transcendence of the "Oversoul", an all-pervading power for goodness from which all things come and of which all things are parts.” (loc. cit.)

In other words, man is good, and man is capable of deciding for himself what is right and good. In a sense, this was nothing more than a revival of the ancient Pelagian heresy, the belief in the inherent goodness and perfectibility of man.  This belief system, naturally, leads to a rejection of the objectively-imposed morality of the Bible, based as it is upon the understanding of man's sin nature and the need to restrain its expression, and therefore had a steady corrosive effect on American society as Romantic ideals and thought patterns trickled down (often subconsciously) to the people at large. God’s Law, as a source of objective truth and an arbiter of man’s behavior, began to be held in more widespread contempt, if not always openly, then by omission as even professing Christians (such as in the “Social gospel” movement) began to replace the strictures of Scripture with the “moral enthusiasm” of “fixing society.”

Concomitant with the disdain for God’s role as Lawgiver, so also came a disdain for societal law and order, especially as it was founded upon biblical morality. As early as the latter half of the 19th century, the Romantic characteristics were at work, overturning the biblical morality that had undergirded not only American social interactions, but also the constitutional framework of her government. This is only natural. A concern for what we call the “strict constructionist” approach to the Constitution is itself a form of biblicism, in the sense of being a zeal for the actual text of that written document (as opposed to invented penumbras). When Americans turned away from a concern for the written text of the Word of God, everything else became optional as well, including the law of the land – the Constitution. As was alluded to above, much of this came from within professing Christianity, where a good deal of Romantic idealism, especially as it pertained to social activism and social welfare, began to replace the biblical worldview of previous generations.

One example of this was the Temperance Movement which, while perhaps superficially in line with biblical morality as far as opposition to the immoral and detrimental effects of alcohol are concerned, nevertheless rested its case more on the ills that alcoholism caused to society, and therefore the damage done to individual lives, instead of the innate, objective immorality of alcohol itself. The focus was not so much on what God thought about alcohol, but on how we could improve society to make it better. In turn, then, the emphasis of activity was in trying to enforce temperance onto society from above, through the activism of busybodies who knew better than the common people how the common people ought to live their lives, instead of relying upon the life changing Gospel of Jesus Christ to transform people after they had voluntarily yielded themselves to Him. In the process, an amendment was made to the Constitution which was wholly out of character with the original document, one that instead of limiting the role and scope of government, was instead used as the justification for the first widespread intrusion of government into every area of our lives, from our right to keep and bear arms, to the expansion of federal police powers, and to the vast expansion of the revenue generation capacity of the Republic.

In short, under the influence of Romanticism, much of professing Christianity turned away from God and to government as the means of improvement and restoration, and led our country down that same destructive path. Unfortunately, the spirit of subjectivism and anti-biblicism (in both religion and politics) have largely won the day in the public square where our societal discourse takes place. With it comes the pervasive immorality of our governing and social system as a whole. The objective morality that informed our ancestors and which buttressed our constitutional system is in tatters.

For instance, consider this: Biblical morality tells us a number of things about the subjects of work and charity. It tells us, for example, that those who do not work should not eat (II Thessalonians 3:10), and it tells us that theft is wrong (Exodus 20:15). This position is implicitly affirmed in our Constitution, with its complete lack of any provisions for social welfare or a social “safety net,” and with its ample protections of property rights. Yet, the “Social gospel” advocated by many professing Christians in America beginning after the Civil War (and continuing to this day), overturns this. Private works of charity (which were and are certainly laudable) began to be replaced by demands for the spending of public monies for the benefit of “the needy.” It became acceptable for “Christians” to call for theft from “the more fortunate” to give through direct redistribution to the “less fortunate.” This is using the power of the state to perpetrate theft, pure and simple, yet many professing believers involved themselves in the call for this type of theft and the encouragement of laziness, directly contrary to the demands of the Bible. You have millions who think this is the “Christian” thing to do. No, the welfare system is immoral. Compulsion to “do good” is neither moral not legitimate, it is not virtuous.

Likewise, rational capitalism based upon competition and having its origin in the liberty of individuals to use their abilities and assets to improve both themselves and the world around them, is a moral system of economics. Rational capitalism takes the often destructive drive of man’s self-interest, and channels it into outlets which benefit not only the capitalist, but also those whom he employs and those for whom he produces goods and services – what is often called “enlightened self-interest.” By being forced to compete for both customers and a labor force, the capitalist has the incentive to do right by them. Man’s sin nature being what it is, this ideal has not always been put into practice. Nevertheless, the “invisible hand” which Adam Smith wrote about has allowed enterprising individuals to generate profits for themselves while also providing meaningful employment for their workers and a generous standard of living for our society, as God has allowed us to be blessed. In America, even the poor live like the kings of other ages.

Yet, we generally see two immoral systems working to replace this in our modern society. The first is the force of socialism – a theory of economics driven by greed and envy and a lust for power. Through it, socialists hope to reduce us all to servitude and dependence, and that through the immoral mechanism of theft and redistribution. The other force, however, is the corporatism that is often falsely referred to as “capitalism,” with its collusion between government and business. This system seeks to unjustly benefit one entity over others through the power of state favoritism. It encourages all kinds of backroom deals and bribery and corruption, and the only ones it benefits are the recipients of official state favor, not the customer, the worker, or our families.

Another area of our political system that is saturated with immorality is in the increasing usurpation of the functions and role of the nuclear family by the state. Parents are given the duty by God to raise their children rightly (Proverbs 22:6, etc.). Yet, our public school system often spends more time with America’s children than their parents do. The public school system, then, really acts as the primary instructor in “morals” to our children, to the detriment of society as a whole, as we have seen. Many parents, with the encouragement of the government, have absconded in their responsibility to train up their children in the way they should go. Instead, children are being molded into the form that an immoral and socialistic educracy wants them to take.

Further, the role of “Child Protective Services” in interfering in the normal functions of the family unit, the vast majority of times being where there is no legitimate case of abuse going on, is intolerable. Children are pressured to “turn in” their parents, and impressionable young ones are manipulated by child psychologists to accuse their parents of whatever the state wants them to.  The sanctity of the family is invaded by bureaucratic busybodies who are looking for any reason they can imagine to take children away from their parents (especially if their parents are raising them in a godly manner) and make them wards of the state. This amounts to nothing more than the theft of children, and the corruption of the innocent. If we were to return to a moral system, then every Child Protective Service bureaucracy in the country would be disbanded – genuine cases of abuse would and should be handled through the lawful police power of the state enforcing laws against assault, battery, sexual assault, and so forth.

It is immoral for the government to illegally inhibit the people from exercising their God-given right to keep and bear arms. Defending oneself, one’s family, and one’s property are righteously affirmed by God (Exodus 22:2), and indeed, to not do so is an immoral act that God says makes one worse than an infidel (I Timothy 5:8). Jesus Christ commanded his followers, for the time after He returned to heaven, to go so far as to sell articles of clothing and buy a sword (Luke 22:36), the contextual reason being that they would now need to consider taking the normal precautions to protect themselves in a fallen and dangerous world, as He would no longer be physically with them. In today’s usage, we can think of swords as having different calibers, ranging from easily concealable .22 caliber daggers all the way up to .50 caliber broadswords. Despite the prevailing philosophy of our day, having one and using it lawfully is moral and good, while the government trying to prevent us from being able to is immoral.

One aspect of immorality that strikes close to home for conservatives is the unwillingness to consistently hold ALL politicians accountable for their immoral actions – including our own. There is the tendency to want to condemn politicians on the Left like Ted Kennedy who were openly and brazenly immoral, or ones like Chris Dodd who try to hide their corruption but fail. Yet, many conservatives are noticeably silent when its one of our guys who gets caught doing something he ought not to have done. Up until a few months ago, I was a strong supporter of Gov. Mark Sanford from South Carolina, but haven’t been since his Argentine escapades. Call me censorious if you like, but I call it “consistent.” Biblical morality condemns favoritism (Leviticus 19:15, James 2:9), and that includes when it’s your favorite politician. That we are so quick to condemn those on the Left for transgression, yet so quick to defend those on the Right who do the same things shows the extent to which we conservatives have imbibed the spirit of our age.

Conversely, those who refuse to participate in our political system at all are, I believe, squandering an important opportunity that is given to them by God’s grace – the opportunity to participate in their own governance, something that has been exceedingly rare throughout history. Many Christians are afraid that any participation in our political system, even voting, will “contaminate” them. It does not have to. We ought to participate in it, though we should not be possessed by the obsession with politics that can overwhelm some. We can “use” the system, but not “abuse” it (I Corinthians 7:31). Refusing to make use of the lawful ability that we have been given to influence our political system for true godliness is to throw back into the face of the Father of lights one of the good and perfect gifts that have come down from Him (James 1:17).

Even something as simple as common courtesy is tied together with biblical morality.  After all, you don’t get a more basic biblical message about how to treat your fellow man that Jesus Christ’s injunction “….and as ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise” (Luke 6:31). Courtesy is biblical, and is altogether lacking in modern American society. People often don't like to hear about this because it brings a lot of our personal behavior under scrutiny. It means that cutting someone off on the expressway, or cutting ahead in line at the bank, or railing on someone because they did something you don’t like are not only rude, but immoral as well. We don’t like to think of ourselves that way, but many people in our society commonly exhibit this type of immorality, and it is a symptom of the greater subconscious rejection of the restrains of morality in our culture.

These examples are just a few of the many that could be elaborated upon at length (but I will spare you). Biblical morality is indispensable to liberty, because it provides the foundation for true self-government that doesn’t just do what it wants, but restrains itself from harming others. Our Founders and those who followed them understood this principle,

“For avoiding the extremes of despotism or anarchy….the only ground of hope must be on the morals of the people. I believe that religion is the only solid base of morals and that morals are the only possible support of free governments. Therefore education should teach the precepts of religion and the duties of man towards God.” (Gouverneur Morris)

“The Bible is the best of all books, for it is the word of God and teaches us the way to be happy in this world and in the next. Continue therefore to read it and to regulate your life by its precepts.” (John Jay)

“Religion and morality are the essential pillars of civil society.” (George Washington)

“Only a virtuous people are capable of freedom. As nations become corrupt and vicious, they have more need of masters.” (Benjamin Franklin)

No other religious, philosophical, or ethical system has managed to produce as much freedom, prosperity, and general benefit for its participants as has America’s, with its explicit foundation in biblical morality. Even those among our Founders who were not Christians were influenced by these principles, and understood the objective truths that underlay this morality. They understood something that many of us today don't, which is that liberty requires self-restraint, and self-restraint, in turn, is only rational when it lines up with a moral standard that is not defined by ourselves, but by God. If we conservatives want to try to bring America back from the brink, we would do well to search ourselves and bring our ways of thinking and doing back into line with true biblical morality, instead of just taking the right stances on a few hot button issues.

Read more >>

2010: Not The Time For “Faux Conservatism”

By: Christopher G. Adamo

Our nation is coming apart at the seams, and Barack Obama is proving to be absolutely inept, or worse, at dealing with the situation. Instead of honestly assessing things and advancing solutions conceived in the best interests of the American people, he presses mindlessly forward with his ultra-liberal agenda, ignoring or deriding those who make any effort to forestall his destruction of the great institutions of this country. In league with him are the leading players of the Congress, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D.-NV) and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D.-CA), both of whom have exhibited a vile degree of contempt for real America, and both of whom are pivotal figures in next year’s elections.

Reid, as a four-term incumbent and currently the most powerful member of the United States Senate, faces an uphill battle next year, currently trailing in double digits behind potential Republican challengers. And while Pelosi, despite her deranged political philosophy, is secure in her equally disturbed California congressional district, the fringe-left Speaker of the House has become a paragon of everything grassroots America reviles and hopes to expunge from this thoroughly corrupted and perverse government.

In many respects, 2010 is shaping up to be a pivotal juncture in the course of the nation. The intense anger and outrage expressed at the massive “tea party” gatherings throughout 2009 are likely to metamorphose into decidedly anti-liberal voting patterns next year on election day, which could likewise translate into major gains for the Republican Party. However, such a scenario is by no means secure. And as usual, within the GOP are forces that, if allowed to act unchecked, may yet sabotage the entire situation.

Democrats are on the ropes. So once again, those vaunted Republican “moderates” are attempting to come to their rescue. Whether motivated by stupidity, cowardice, or an underhanded intention to ensure that liberalism ultimately prevails in America, the usual suspects, while identifying themselves as Republicans, are giving aid and comfort to the left, at the ultimate expense of their supposed colleagues on the right. It is high time that their duplicity be exposed and underscored, so that their malevolent impact on conservatism can be finally neutralized.

At a critical milestone in the Democrat attempt to implement a government takeover of America’s healthcare industry, Senator Olympia Snowe (R.-ME) came out in support of the measure in the Senate Finance Committee. Thus she provides the bogus fig leaf of “bipartisanship” that Democrats so fervently desire.

Elsewhere, “Republican” forces are working hard to counteract the enormous influence of Christian and pro-life conservatives in the Party. Somehow, despite the mountains of historical evidence to the contrary, those morally rudderless pragmatists believe this would be a great boon to Republican electoral fortunes, doggedly refusing to accept that by remaking the party according to their “centrist” philosophies, they would ensure the abandonment of the party by enormous numbers of true conservatives.

Thus, their efforts continue. And in them the real animus towards Sarah Palin among GOP “moderates” becomes evident. Despite her lack of an Ivy League pedigree, or perhaps owing to it, Sarah Palin sees moral issues in black and white and, unlike her Beltway insider antagonists, is not afraid to say so. As such she poses a great threat to the Republican “business as usual” Washington crowd that occasionally plays to the right (especially at election time), but ultimately seeks its own advancement.

Over time, an entire class of posturing “conservatives” has been revealed. In the wake of the 2006 electoral disaster, in which both the House and Senate changed from marginally Republican to solidly Democrat, prominent Republicans including Senator John McCain and former Republican House Majority Leader Dick Armey of Pennsylvania seized on what they believed was the opportunity to purge the GOP of its Christian/conservative influence. Both offered disparaging words about the supposed political liability of the “religious right” on the gloomy Republican electoral results. And as the abundance of evidence proves, both were inarguably wrong.

In truth, conservatism must be solidly based in traditional Judeo-Christian morality if it is to be conservatism in any sense. So-called “fiscal conservatives” (Senator Snowe considers herself one) merely profess the ludicrous notion that they can confront liberalism’s resultant social rot at a far lower cost than that expended by the Democrats.

Predictably, when disastrous expansions of the nanny state result from such double-minded “governance” on the Republicans’ watch, they lamely attempt to defend themselves by claiming that their spending levels are still far lower than what the opposition would have perpetrated.

It is sad that this posturing among Republican “moderates” is as vapid as the current day “defenses” of policy offered by Barack Obama. In the face of massive job losses during his term in the White House, he insists that had it not been for his trillion-dollar “stimulus package,” the numbers would have been far worse.

Come November of 2010, people will indeed be looking for a real and positive “change” in the composition of this out-of-control federal government. And at this opportune moment, it is no longer sufficient for Republicans to campaign solely on the faults of the Democrat left. If true conservatives in the Senate and House are going to present themselves as a worthy alternative to the abysmal status quo, they must immediately begin defining themselves and the GOP as starkly contrasted from the Democrats. And, they must not allow imposters from the Republican Party’s liberal wing to seize the debate and thereby blur the differences between right and left.

Christopher G. Adamo has been active in Wyoming politics for many years and is a managing partner in Best American Buy (www.bestamericanbuy.com), an e-commerce business that markets American made products including the incomparable Abigail Adams Bedspread Set from Bates Mills. Contact information for Chris Adamo, and his archives, can be found at www.chrisadamo.com

Read more >>

'Safe schools' chief was member of radical Act Up

Jennings now responsible for public school students

By Bob Unruh

The man chosen by the Obama administration to head the Department of Education's Office of Safe Schools was an activist with the radical pro-homosexual organization Act Up, known for its aggressive badgering of those who don't support the homosexual lifestyle, according to a new report.

Mass Resistance, a pro-family organization in Massachusetts that has battled over homosexual agenda points there, has posted online a report and video documenting Kevin Jennings' participation in the extremist organization.

The video shows Jeff Davis, Jennings' "partner," addressing a banquet and saying of Jennings, "He was a member of Act Up. Act Up! So it's like – you know – here's a big gay activist. BIG gay activist!."

According to "The Marketing of Evil," by WND's David Kupelian, Act Up members gave homosexual activists a bad name. Kupelian wrote.:

The defiant, storm-trooper tactics of in-your-face groups like ACT-UP (AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power) may or may not have been successful in pressuring the federal government to increase its commitment to combating AIDS. But such tactics definitely were successful in giving activist homosexuals a very bad name.

One infamous incident was the assault on New York's famed St. Patrick's Cathedral on December 10, 1989. While Cardinal John O'Connor presided over the 10:15 Sunday morning Mass, a multitude of "pro-choice" and "gay rights" activists protested angrily outside. Some, wearing gold-colored robes similar to clerical vestments, hoisted a large portrait of a pornographically altered frontal nude portrait of Jesus.

"You bigot, O'Connor, you're killing us!" screamed one protester, while signs called the archbishop "Murderer!"

Then it got really ugly. Scores of protesters entered the church, resulting in what many in the packed house of parishioners described as a "nightmare."

"The radical homosexuals turned a celebration of the Holy Eucharist into a screaming babble of sacrilege by standing in the pews, shouting and waving their fists, tossing condoms into the air," recounted the New York Post. One of the invaders grabbed a consecrated wafer and threw it to the ground.

Outside, demonstrators, many of them members of ACT-UP, carried placards that summed up their sentiments toward the Catholic Church: "Keep your church out of my crotch." "Keep your rosaries off my ovaries." "Eternal life to Cardinal John O'Connor NOW!" "Curb your dogma."

Clearly, the young movement was flirting with oblivion if it persisted in such ugly, indefensible tactics. It needed a new, more civilized direction if it ever hoped to convince Americans that homosexuality was a perfectly normal alternative lifestyle.

According to Mass Resistance research assembled by Amy Contrada, the Act Up organization also:

  • Staged a "die in" at Massachusetts General Hospital to protest the unavailability of PCP drug AP.

  • Protested Astra Pharmaceutical Products’'refusal to release the experimental antiviral drug Foscarnet.

  • Disrupted opening night at the San Francisco Opera.

  • Protested design of clinical trials planned by Harvard School of Medicine.

  • Jammed phone lines of health insurance database company protesting their use of "sexual deviation" classification.

  • Halted Boston's trolley service and traffic in front of Harvard School of Public Health to press the federal government into approving two new AIDS drugs.

Brian Camenker, the chief of Mass Resistance, told WND, in fact, that Harvard is just at this point opening up an exhibition on Act Up, and has thanked Jennings publicly for helping assemble the necessary components.

Also in the video, it was revealed that Davis and Jennings played host to Obama for a 2008 fundraiser that yielded $170,000 in donations.

"This is an unbelievably important election," Jennings also told the LA Times in May 2008, when asked why he co-hosted the Manhattan fundraiser.

"That should answer any doubts over whether Obama 'vetted' Jennings before his appointment as Safe Schools Czar in the Department of Education," Mass Resistance wrote in its report.

This association, and that revealed earlier of Jennings' support for Harry Hay, who was honored by the North American Man-Boy Love Association, "help us to understand Jennings' agenda behind his major accomplishments, founding GLSEN, and pushing the Massachusetts law banning 'sexual orientation' discrimination in the state's schools," Mass Resistance said.

"Jennings worked closely with another Act Up radical, David LaFontaine, who convinced Massachusetts Governor Bill Weld to establish the Governor's Commission on Gay and Lesbian Youth – which directly promoted homosexuality in the schools," the report said.

Act Up also has covered Sen. Jesse Helms' house with a 'giant condom" and threw ashes of dead AIDS patients on the White House lawn, the report said.

Members of Congress have written to Obama demanding he dismiss Jennings following WND disclosures about his past, including an incident in which he counseled a 15-year-old student to keep quiet about being seduced by an older man.

Jennings says now he should have handled the situation while he was a teacher involving the sexually active student "differently," but the statement from Jennings failed to express "regret."

Jennings also wrote the foreword for a book called "Queering Elementary Education: Advancing the Dialogue about Sexualities and Schooling."

Another incident in his organizatin's past is the "fistgate" scandal in which his organization led discussions at a seminar where "young teens were guided on how to perform dangerous homosexual perversions including 'fisting."

Yet another was Jennings' address in a New York City church on March 20, 2000. He said:

"Twenty percent of people are hard-core fair-minded [pro-homosexual] people. Twenty percent are hard-core [anti-homosexual] bigots. We need to ignore the hard-core bigots, get more of the hard-core fair-minded people to speak up, and we'll pull that 60 percent [of people in the middle] over to our side. That's really what I think our strategy has to be. We have to quit being afraid of the religious right. We also have to quit – I'm trying to find a way to say this. I'm trying not to say, '[F—] 'em!' which is what I want to say, because I don't care what they think! [audience laughter] Drop dead!"

How to jam homosexuality into public schools: Just call it "safety"!!

President Obama's choice (Kevin Jennings) to monitor school safety once boasted that he introduced homosexual advocacy into the school system in Massachusetts by manipulating the message presented to lawmakers. In 1995, he gave a speech in which he described how he has used the concept of safety in schools to promote homosexual advocacy in public schools in Massachusetts.

Read more >>